According to the CIA World Factbook, the population of Kosovo is comprised of 88% Albanians, 7% Serbs, and 5% other (Bosniak, Gorani, Roma, Turk, Ashkali, Egyptian).

With Kosovo’s declaration of independence, there was significant concern over the rights of minorities within the new borders, namely the rights of Serb minorities. The Ahtisaari Plan, and the succeeding Kosovo Constitution, foresaw this concern and thus created a blueprint for a multi-ethnic state. The Kosovo Constitution includes extensive guarantees for the rights of minorities while stressing the values of equality and anti-discrimination. For example, it recognizes both Albanian and Serbian as official languages, with Turkish, Bosnian and Roma languages as official languages at the municipal level. In addition to basic human rights and fundamental freedoms, Chapter III of the Constitution focuses on the Rights of Communities and their Members, which includes rights related to preservation of cultural identity as well as the right to representation in the institutions of local government.

Despite all these guarantees for minorities, however, the multi-ethnic state that Kosovo’s Constitution envisions seems far from the reality on the ground thus far. As you can see from the map of ethnic composition posted above*, the population is quite segregated by ethnicity, with a significant number of Serbs concentrated in northern Kosovo, an area that is connected by land to Serbia. Kosovo Serbs receive funding from the Serbian government and have been resistant to integration in local Kosovo institutions. Some regard Northern Kosovo as de facto under administration of the Serbian government.

Some of the reasons for this are probably far more complex and deep-rooted than I can sincerely understand or explain since the region has such a long history of ethnic tension. But on a more macro-political level, perhaps the reasons are more clear. Instinctively, attention must be focused on the will of local government, or lack thereof, to fulfill their commitments towards multi-ethnicity. I cannot informatively comment on whether or not such a will exists. However, it does seem to me that any willingness of Kosovo’s government, be it formal or substantive, is precluded by strong political resistance from Serbia. The Serbian government has consistently opposed Kosovo Serbs’ integration in Kosovo institutions. And it is reportedly not due to dissatisfaction with the rights and treatments of Kosovo Serbs, rather because integration would imply a support for Kosovo’s independence, thereby undermining Serbia’s territorial integrity. An indicative example is recent news on Kosovo’s upcoming local elections. According to a SETimes.com article, Kosovo President Fatmir Sejdiu “invited Kosovo Serbs to participate in the local elections, as an important element in the country's political process” and “requested international assistance to encourage Kosovo Serb participation”. However, the Serbian government has reportedly called upon Kosovo Serbs not to vote since it would be an indirect recognition of Kosovo’s independence, which it regards as a violation of international law.

It has been suggested that a focus on decentralization is the way forward for both sides. The Ahtisaari Plan proposes a highly decentralized state in which municipalities have significant control over their own administration. For example, the Serb-dominated North Mitrovica would have control over higher education and health care. It remains unclear to me whether local government is sincerely willing to implement such decentralization measures and if so, whether Kosovo Serbs (regardless of Serbian government’s pressure) are willing to embrace it. It would be interesting to go to Serb-dominated areas and find out what they really think although I don’t know if we will actually have the opportunity for that while we are here.

I think it is necessary to finally note that concerns over minority rights in Kosovo have disproportionately focused on the rights of Serbs while often disregarding the other minority groups that exist here. It’s quite an unjust reality. The Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian communities are a visible minority and it is quite clear that they suffer from discrimination and relatively poor standards of living. Roma people will never be seen sipping espresso in one of Pristina’s cafes rather on the sidewalks of those cafes, panhandling or squeegeeing for money. Apparently the Kosovo Government is aware of the need for protection of minority communities as evidenced by the Strategy for Integration of Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian Communities in the Republic of Kosovo 2009-2015, published by the local government last year. According to an OSCE report published in April 2009, however, substantive equality and integration of these communities, at least in the field of education rights, is currently lagging.

*map courtesy of the OSCE mission in Kosovo, in their report entitled "Kosovo non-majority communities within the primary and secondary educational systems"

* photo of a Roma refugee family, above, courtesy of Darren McCollester for the Pulitzer Centre, found here.